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Espionage in Early Modern Central Europe Revealed

A Relation of the State of Polonia and the United Provinces of that Crown – and presented a version to King James I of England and VI of Scotland. An intriguing new study has focused on this text and drawn attention to its little-known author. Sebastian Sobecki, in his article recently published in the journal Renaissance Studies, examines the ties that Peyton enjoyed with a man extensively involved with state security: Robert Cecil, Secretary of State for both Elizabeth I and James I. Sobecki argues that John Peyton’s Grand Tour between 1596 and 1601 – where Peyton visited Germany, Bohemia, Poland-Lithuania, Switzerland and Italy – was an intelligence gathering operation to discover Spanish diplomatic activity in the Empire and in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. “Peyton’s reports are not ethnographical travel accounts or itineraries,” Sobecki writes. “Instead, [they] contain detailed and remarkably comprehensive accounts of the governance and political life of the countries he visited. In this regard, Peyton’s writings, although they are in English are closer to the factual qualities of Latin diplomatic writing.” A Relation of Polonia contains a vast amount of very nuanced information. The political structure of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth forms the heart of the work, with particular discussion of the electoral system behind the Commonwealth’s royal elections. Some of the longest sections, with the most detailed treatment, concern the armed forces and warfare, Sobecki notes. In his description of the Polish people, Peyton noted that “they are large of body, tall, vprighte, and personable. The gentry full of ceremonies, ciuill [civil] and curteous in enterteinement, bountifull at table, costly in dyett, greate gourmandes, and quaffers, not sleepy, nor heavy in theire dronkennesse, as the Dutche, but furious, and quarrellsome, highe-mynded, and proude, but in a iollity, and not surly, as the Germans.” Sobecki notes that, despite this portrait of the Poles being very comprehensive by contemporary standards, Peyton’s real interests lay elsewhere. The sheer amount of administrative detail in Peyton’s work is unlike any other travel account of central Europe from the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries. Peyton’s works, for Sobecki, “amount to substantial and accurate studies of the type supplied confidentially by modern ambassadors to their governments. Throughout, the organizing principle of each text is the stake England held in the places Peyton visited. Trade, religious denominations, domestic political profiles and foreign relations and alliances – all these dominate Peyton’s reports.” To understand why Peyton compiled these works, Sobecki has explored Peyton’s relationship with Cecil. The 1590s saw an arms race between the Earl of Essex and Cecil, Sobecki explains. Essex, leading the anti-Cecil faction at court, increasingly relied on the provision of intelligence to boost his reputation. Cecil seized the opportunity given to him when appointed Secretary of State to build up a system of espionage that surpassed all others. “By the end of 1597, Cecil was England’s undisputed spymaster,” Sobecki writes. At about this time, Peyton’s father, Sir John Peyton, emerged as one of the most important pieces in Cecil’s domestic intelligence network. Sir John was even appointed to the post of Lieutenant of the Tower, a very sensitive office. “There is no shortage of notes and reports from Sir John to Cecil about prisoners’ activity and intelligence,” Sobecki notes, “including in-depth accounts of Raleigh’s emotional breakdown and the searching of Essex’s person.” The younger Peyton’s reports of Poland-Lithuania, therefore, seem to be works of espionage. Sobecki has clearly shown that Peyton the Younger’s accounts are no mere travel diaries for personal reflection, they are in-depth studies of central Europe undertaken by a man with close links to England’s security network. Sobecki’s work reveals that espionage and subterfuge were sophisticated operations in the Early Modern period. For more information: www.onlinelibrary.wiley.com Image courtesy of Wikimedia Commons user: Bascon]]>

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History of Democracy in the UK (Part one)

The Magna Carta Although ultimately proving something of false start for the establishment of democracy in England, the Magna Carta, signed in 1215, laid down some initial principles which would later be crucial. The Charter, signed by King John and the barons, is most widely remembered for consolidating judicial rights, including habeas corpus: the right not to be unlawfully imprisoned. Other clauses however, were vital in decentralising power, taking it away from the body of the king and spreading it across a wider group of people. Magna Carta’s 61st Clause, referred to as the Security Clause, stated that a council of twenty five barons should be created with the power to overule the will of the King. Shortly after the signing of Magna Carta, John repealed this clause and it was largely ignored by subsequent medieval kings. Nevertheless, it had raised crucial ideas which would reappear in the construction of the English Constitution. Simon de Montfort The brother-in-law of King Henry III, Simon de Montfort led a rebellion in 1254 which laid the foundations for the modern parliament. Henry had grown increasingly unpopular with his barons, as a result of repeatedly committing English resources to wars fought on the behalf of the Papacy. More importantly, the parliament of barons felt increasingly ignored by the King. A famine proved the final straw, and the barons demanded reforms to the way the King ruled the country. Significantly, the powerful and influential de Montfort sided with the barons. The Pope ruled that the barons’ demands for reform were unconstituional, but the tensions did not go away. In 1263, de Montfort led another campaign for reform, ultimately leading to war with Henry. At the Battle of Lewes in 1264, Henry was captured. In the King’s name, de Montfort called a parliament to discuss the next step. This parliament was unlike any that had been called before. Alongside barons, English towns were also asked to send representatives to advise on the next step for English politics. For the first time, democracy had been opened up to a much wider demographic. Historians often question whether de Montfort was motivated by a genuine desire to further democracy, or total self interest. Either way, his actions were hugely important in the development of Parliamentary Democracy. The 40-Shilling Franchise As alluded to above, a parliament had existed in Britain since the late thirteenth century. Exactly who could partake in it however, was far from set. Since 1341, Parliament had been divided into two houses, the knights and burgesses sitting in what became the House of Commons, and the clergy and nobility sitting in the House of Lords. A drastic change occurred in 1429, with a new statute specifying who was entitled to vote in elections. A concern had grown that the House of Commons had become overcrowded by people of “low estate”, that is, the poor and uneducated. Essentially a reactionary step by the aristocracy to strengthen their own political influence, the 40 Shilling Franchise greatly reduced the number of people who were eligible to vote. Following the passing of the statute, only freemen owning freehold land (land that was not rented from a landlord) with a value of more than 40 shillings were allowed to vote. The 40 Shilling Franchise put restrictions on who could vote that lasted for over four centuries… ]]>

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image courtesy of: Thryduulf]]>

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